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Chapter IX. Chapter X. Chapter XI. Chapter XII. Chapter XIV. Chapter XV. Chapter XVI. Constitutions of the Holy Apostles. Concerning the Laity. Of Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons. Book VIII. Concerning Gifts, and Ordinations, and the Ecclesiastical Canons. The Second Epistle of Clement. The Liturgy of the Blessed Apostles. Index of Scripture References. Index of Scripture Commentary. Index of Citations. Greek Words and Phrases.

Latin Words and Phrases. Index of Pages of the Print Edition. We're making big changes. Please try out the beta site at beta. Thank you! Bringing Christian classic books to life. Computer Science. LC Subject. Subject Tag. Login Register. The Divine Institutes Book I. Of the False Worship of the Gods Preface. Of the simple style of the scriptures Chap. How unprofitable is the worship of false gods Chap. I Chap. II Chap. III Chap. IV Chap. V Chap.

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VI Chap. VII Chap. VIII Chap. IX Chap. X Chap. XI Chap. XII Chap. XIII Chap. XIV Chap. XV Chap. XVI Chap. XVII Chap. XIX Chap. XX Chap. XXI Chap. XXII Chap. XXIV Chap. XXV Chap. XXVI Chap. XXIX Chap. XXX Chap. XXXI Chap. XXXV Chap. XL Chap. XLI Chap. XLII Chap. XLIV Chap. XLV Chap. XLVI Chap. XLIX Chap. L Chap. LI Chap. LII Elucidation. On Easter. On the Creation of the World Commentary on the Apocalypse of the Blessed John From the first chapter From the second chapter From the third chapter From the fourth chapter From the fifth chapter From the sixth chapter From the seventh chapter From the eighth chapter From the ninth chapter From the tenth chapter From the eleventh chapter From the twelfth chapter From the thirteenth chapter From the fourteenth chapter From the fifteenth chapter From the seventeenth chapter From the nineteenth chapter From the twentieth chapter From the twenty-first and twenty-second chapters General Notes by the American Editor.

Introductory Notice Against the Sabellians Elucidations. Introductory Notice Book I. Severus of Antioch were translated into Syriac in the early sixth century by Paul of Edessa and later revised by Jacob of Edessa, while the manuscripts of the baptismal liturgy and other special services claimed to be translations of the Greek originals. Renaudot [59] asserts that if we compare Syriac St. James with Greek St. James not only do the contents of the prayers, but their very wording, as well as the arrangement of the ritual, prove that the latter is the original form from which the former is derived.

The oldest manuscript version of Syriac St. James probably dates from the 8 th or 9 th century and is in the British Library. The Syriac Liturgy of St. James subsequently introduced some seventy-nine anaphors, attributed to various apostles St. Mark, St. Peter, St. John the Evangelist, Twelve Apostles ; hierarchs such as St. Xystus died and St. Julius of Rome died , St.

The Liturgy of St. James

John Chrysostom died , St. Cyril of Alexandria died as well as specifically Syriac fathers: St. Jacob of Sarug, Bishop of Batnan died , St. Philoxenus of Mabbug died , Patriarch St. These continued right into the sixteenth century, the latest being made in James, in the wording of the individual prayers they differ from one another.

Vargese admits that,. The prelates, clergy and the monks were somewhat illiterate and theological and liturgical creativity were at their lowest ebb. The clergy found it rather difficult to understand the meaning and the richness of the liturgical texts …. The newly composed liturgical texts, including the anaphoras, were often mediocre, in both their content and language.

Saint Luke Orthodox Church - Orthodoxy - Liturgical Texts

New elements were introduced, such as elaborate preparation rites, dramatic blessing of the censer in the pre-anaphora, inaudible prayers and an elaborate fraction. However, by the twelfth century this had been replaced with a longer formula, relating various gestures of the fraction to the passion, death and resurrection of Christ. If the Syrian text of St. James underwent such changes, there are also elements in the Greek text which augment the rite used prior to Chalcedon. Scholars differ as to whether these are an on-going process of Hellenisation or later Byzantinisation.

Kurian Valuparampil reminds us that the Greek Christians were an integral part of the original Church of Jerusalem Acts VI: 1 and that parallel worship undoubtedly took place in Greek and Aramaic. He suggests that the original Antiochian liturgy was derived from Jerusalem in the first century and later reinforced by the presence of Christian refugees following the Fall of Jerusalem in 72 A. This view would account for the strong tradition of continuity from St. James, but does not explain the process by which this was transformed into a developed liturgical form common to both the Greek and Syriac texts.

Vargese reminds us that,. The Syro-Antiochene tradition is largely indebted to the Hellenistic culture. Severus of Antioch, the great organizer of the Syrian Orthodox liturgy, was a man of Greek culture. In the ninth and tenth centuries, the West Syrians came under Byzantine influence, especially in the case of hymnody. In his examination of the liturgy of St. Salaville notes that the Greek Liturgy of St. The Syrians, however, ascribe it to Severus himself and date it from It is strongly anti-Nestorian in character and also attacks the heresy of Eutyches. The absence of a developed Prothesis or Rite of Preparation, such as we find in the Byzantine Rite, was often quoted as an indication of the primitive nature of the Liturgy of St.

In more recent years, when celebrated in Byzantine churches it has been usual for the the Byzantine Prothesis to be used to remedy this absence.


However, the discovery of rudimentary prothesis prayers in Georgian manuscripts of St. James found in on Mount Sinai have led some scholars to modify this view. Verhelst attributes this to a Syrian influence, because the Palestinian tradition already possessed a non-Eucharistic prayer of offering before the introduction of the rite.

Archaeology witnesses to the Palestinian diakonikon , usually being a side room to the north, overlooking the nave, sometimes, but not always, containing an altar. Verhelst also notes that the Melkite-Egyptian rite conserved in two manuscripts of the Liturgy of St. Mark confirms his hypothesis of a non-Chalcedonian origin of the Prothesis, originating in Egyptian St.

Liturgy of St. James

The modern Syriac Liturgy of St. James has no Great Entrance, which we find in Greek St. James, but this should not lead us into thinking that the Great Entrance is itself a Byzantinisation. James had a solemn Offertory procession. Theodore of Mopsuestia c. When they bring out the Eucharistic bread they place it on the holy altar, for the complete representation of the Passion, so that we may think of Him on the altar, as if He were placed in the sepulchre, after having received His Passion. In a homily by James of Sarug, who died in , he draws parallels with the shewbread in the Old Testament and the Christian Offertory:.

And if the Old conveyed it in procession … how much more should the New be eager for its honour … It was not Melchizedek that taught the Church what she should do: on her Lord she gazed, and as He did, so does she daily … Jesus, who was God, taught her the Mystery. Moses Bar Kepha, Syriac Orthodox Bishop of Beth Remman Barimma , Beth Kyanaya and Mosul, from about until his death in , wrote an Exposition of the Jacobite Liturgy [72] , in which he describes a ceremonial procession in which the bread and wine are brought out from the sanctuary, carried among the people and brought back to the altar,.

What is probable, therefore, is that the Offertory Procession fell out of use in Syriac St. Varghese suggests,. External conditions made such pompous celebrations rather difficult. Throughout their history, they were a community struggling for survival. Therefore their churches were modest in size and architecture and were often too small for solemn processions, unlike the Byzantines.

The processions that were once held with solemnity for example the entrance procession gradually disappeared or were limited to the space around the altar. It is the introduction of the Cherubikon and the involvement of all the sacred ministers in the procession, which represents the Byzantinisation and turns the Entrance into a great one. It has also become more than an offertory chant because the words and imagery relate to the entire Eucharistic liturgy. Taft suggests it originates from Jerusalem, [76] and highlights its closeness to St.

For truly ought we in that most awful hour to have our heart on high with God, and not below, thinking of earth and earthly things. The Priest then in effect bids all in that hour abandon all worldly thoughts, or household cares, and to have their heart in heaven with the merciful God. God indeed should be in our memory at all times, but if this is impossible by reason of human infirmity, at least in that hour this should be our earnest endeavour. During this time elements from the liturgies of St.

John Chrysostom and St. Basil were introduced. He believes the process was virtually complete by the 13th century, although the Byzantinisation of the liturgy did not necessarily imply the adoption of Byzantine culture in Jerusalem. Greek language and culture certainly persisted, even flourished, in Palestine during some periods of Arab occupation.

Divine Liturgy of St. James

In the twelfth century Mark III, Greek Patriarch of Alexandria submitted a question to the learned Byzantine canonist, Theodore Balsamon later Theodore IV, Patriarch of Antioch , as to whether the liturgies used in Alexandria and Jerusalem, purporting to have been written by the Apostles Mark and James should be received by the church or not. Theodore, who resided all his life in Constantinople, even after his election to the See of Antioch, replied:. We decide therefore that they ought not to be received; and that all Churches should follow the example of New Rome, that is Constantinople, and celebrate according to the tradition of the great teachers and luminaries of the Church, the holy John Chrysostom and the holy Basil.

We owe the first printed texts of the Liturgy of St. James to French classical scholars and printers to the Kings of France.

James of unknown provenance which became the textus receptus. Interest in ancient liturgies encouraged a number of eminent Catholic scholars to seek for old manuscripts. Not only did he personally observe many of these but he collected manuscripts, which led to their rediscovery in the West. Joseph Aloys Assemani , a Maronite orientalist, published thirteen volumes of such texts between , but sadly offers no information as to the source of his text of St.

James, which appears to have been reproduced from Morel. The hunt for liturgical manuscripts during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries became quite a compulsion for Western scholars. We hear how the Benedictine palaeographer, Dom Bernard de Montfaucon found that the monks at Rossano — the knowledge of Greek having been lost — neglected the precious contents of their library and books were lying untouched and neglected, and were in imminent danger of being destroyed.

Only their timely removal to Rome prevented this. In Volume I Eastern Liturgies of Liturgies Eastern and Western , he utilised other manuscripts, mostly dating from the 16 th and 17 th centuries or later, although he found a 14th manuscript from Sinai. With this wider range of texts available Brightman argued that they fell into three distinct geographical groupings: eastern Patriarchate of Jerusalem , western Zante and intermediate Thessalonica.

The German philologist, orientalist and liturgist Dr. They traced the origins of this text to Damascus, a Metropolitanate of the Patriarchate of Antioch, and suggested a date towards the end of the seventh and beginning of the eight century.

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It was published for the first time by A. Cozza-Luzi in Dom B. As recently as many new manuscript finds on Mount Sinai have uncovered previously lost texts of the St. James Liturgy. Five new Greek manuscripts of St. James were revealed in the New Sinai finds, but these dated from the tenth and eleventh centuries or later. The new Sinaitic manuscript also includes a large batch of Georgian manuscripts of St. James: manuscripts are currently numbered, ten rolls, plus hundreds of scattered fragments which are not yet identified.

There also appear to be a shorter and a longer version of the Liturgy of St. As six manuscripts dating from the tenth century contain the shorter version, scholars believe this indicates that both were used until the beginning of the eleventh century. The inclusion of the entire shorter text in the longer version also leads to the assumption that the shorter text is closer to the original form, dating from as early as the sixth or seventh centuries, with the longer text resulting from later developments and supplementation.

James was rarely used in the Byzantine Churches, it being celebrated some three times a year in Jerusalem and on the Greek island of Zante Zakynthos : on the feast day of St. It owes its modern revival to Bishop Dionysius Latas died of Zante, who had been educated at Jerusalem, who published an edition of the Liturgy. On 1 September he celebrated it in the Church of St.

This edition attempted to eliminate Byzantine accretions and to reorganise the rubrics. In , Patriarch Damianos of Jerusalem , revived it for one day in the year, moving it from 23 October to 31 December. It was first celebrated again in on 30 December as an exception in the church of the Theological College of the Holy Cross with Archbishop Epiphanios of Jordan, as the principal celebrant, assisted by a number of concelebrating priests. The Latas edition was used, but it was reported that Archimandrite Chrysostomos Papadopoulos had been commissioned to prepare another and more correct edition [87].

Generally, however, it is only celebrated in Jerusalem on the Feast of St. James 23rd October and on the first Sunday after Christmas. Today, among the Byzantine Orthodox it remains a permitted alternative to St. John Chrysostom and has increased in popularity, although it is still only rarely celebrated.

In the Syriac Churches, however, St. James is flourishing and is the regular rite used by the Malankara Orthodox communities of South India, who received it from their Mother Church, the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch. The liturgy of St. James was unknown in the Russian Orthodox Church as it had already been replaced by the Byzantine Rite when Russia was evangelised. A Church Slavonic translation of the Greek text was published by the learned Russian musicologist, Dr.

This was authorised for liturgical use by Metropolitan Anastassij, head of the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad, after which its use became more widespread. The Liturgy of St. James was first used in the British Isles in the eighteenth century. Between they corresponded with the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople and with the Russian Orthodox Church, about a possible reunion.

Inevitably this led to further revisions and aware that, just as liturgical development had caused the Clementine Liturgy to become the Liturgy of St. James, so their own spiritual journey was leading them in the same direction. Cyril in his fifth Mystagogical Catechism. It is clear that J. Cyril … is surely not much to the point. Like many of his contemporaries, he tends to overestimate the nearness to the age of the Apostles of the text of the liturgy of St. James which he is establishing; he also tends seriously to underestimate the variety of liturgical forms which existed in the early Christian centuries.

In that way he tends to attribute to the rite a greater authority than it can bear. Granted these limitations, however, his book remains a daring and imaginative piece of work, particularly in his proposal that this particular rite should be adapted for the use of congregations in his own day. Perhaps the strangest thing about this proposal is that it does not in the end entail us going outside our own tradition; rather it involves us in reclaiming something which is already in principle our own.

If we are uniting ourselves with the fourth century in Palestine, we are doing so by way of the eighteenth century in Edinburgh. We go down the Royal Mile and find ourselves in Jerusalem. Although the original mission of the British Orthodox Church in the nineteenth century derives from the Syrian Orthodox Church, the early bishops appear to have preferred to use variants of Western rites, presumably because they felt this was more appropriate to its mission to Europeans.

This text was always used at our Bournemouth Church. Although Western in structure it had been heavily Byzantinised in its ceremonial and vestments. I had grown to love it and recognise its strengths, but I was not blind to its weaknesses either. Although all liturgy has an element of hybridisation, this took place in ancient times and over the intervening centuries the rites acquired a homogeneity distinctive to the spiritual tradition of each church.

With the Glastonbury rite there was such a hotchpotch of traditions that the services had become overly elaborate and suffered from a certain degree of repetition.

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  • A distinctive liturgy necessitated its own horologion, ordinal, sanctorale, lectionary, rituale and propers, some of which were already in place but much of which had still to be written. As a small, independent, missionary church we were also open to criticism for devising our own rites rather than identifying ourselves with the wider Orthodox family by using an ancient and universally recognised liturgy.

    The decision in principle to adopt the Liturgy of St. James in place of the Glastonbury Rite had been taken prior to the beginning of our talks with the Coptic Orthodox Church but these now necessitated bringing the proposed schedule forward so that all the necessary changes coincided with our reception into the Patriarchate of Alexandria. We had chosen St. James after much careful consideration because of its primitive and apostolic character. Perhaps because our congregations had been using a Byzantinised Western rite I felt it would not present too great a change of ethos.

    James, like St. Basil, was common to both families of Orthodox though there is far more common text in St. The many similarities with St. Basil are also very appropriate in view of our union with the Coptic Patriarchate, where St. We chose Greek St. James because in spite of having been Byzantinised it is still closer to the primitive rite than Syriac Saint James, which has been more heavily embellished.

    Where appropriate we have used good British hymnody. In considering appropriate ceremonial for the Liturgy of Saint James as celebrated in the British Orthodox Church it was felt that as far as possible it should follow the traditions of our Mother Church, especially as in all other services we were committed to follow the rites and ceremonies of the Coptic Church.

    Structurally this involved us in few changes as our own churches already had cubic free-standing altars and an ikonostasis. As we have seen, liturgy is constantly evolving and whilst both Greek and Syrian St. James are authentic heirs of the Hagiopolite rite, each has adapted itself to local traditions as well as undergoing the enrichment of cross-pollination from other authentic traditions.

    In discussing this with the late Pope Shenouda III he recognised the distinctive cultural differences required for effective mission among western Christians, whilst welcoming our desire to conform to the spirit of Coptic worship. Basil, rather than the Byzantine prothesis , and the manual parts of the Coptic Fraction, we felt it provided that link with our Alexandrian heritage without disturbing the integrity of the Liturgy of St.

    Linked to this we adopted the Coptic cursi , known as the ark or throne.


    This is a consecrated box with hinged lids, which is permanently on the altar and is decorated with ikons, in which the chalice sits throughout the liturgy. Of the several English translations available we chose to largely follow that of Dom Gregory Dix, who was not only a fine scholar but clearly had a feel for liturgical language.

    Until the Reformation all church services would have been in Latin, so the translation of the Holy Bible and the publication of an English Prayer Book were events of immense significance in British history. We have also followed Dix in retaining that classical liturgical language shaped by the Authorised Version of the Bible and successive editions of the Book of Common Prayer. We believe that the language of the sacred, so much of which is poetic and figurative, needs to reflect a sense of the numinous.

    But banality is for nobody. We seem to have forgotten that for solemn occasions we need exceptional and solemn language — something that transcends our everyday speech. If we encourage the use of mean, trite, ordinary language, we encourage a mean, trite, ordinary view of the world.